- Tapa blanda: 154 páginas
- Editor: Createspace Independent Pub (17 de mayo de 2010)
- Idioma: Inglés
- ISBN-10: 1452878471
- ISBN-13: 978-1452878478
- Valoración media de los clientes: 1 opinión de cliente
- Clasificación en los más vendidos de Amazon: nº204.269 en Libros en idiomas extranjeros (Ver el Top 100 en Libros en idiomas extranjeros)
John Maynard Keynes: The Economic Consequences of the Peace (Inglés) Tapa blanda – 17 may 2010
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"The Economic Consequences of the Peace" gave economist John Maynard Keynes a huge but controversial influence on perceptions of the peace treaty signed after World War I. John Maynard Keynes was not only a brilliant economist, but a superb writer with a keen eye for the foibles of the great men of his time. "The Economic Consequences of the Peace" is a must read for anyone interested in the Versailles Peace Treaty and the aftermath of its signing. Even today, the power of Keynes' argument is evident. Though Keynes admitted that the allies might not hold Germany to all the economic terms of the treaty, he still felt strongly that many of the terms of the treaty, whether enforced or not, discouraged sound planning by German investors, companies, and its government, and unnecessarily impoverished the German people. As pointed out in his classic book, Keynes felt this was bad for not just Germany, but all of Europe.
Biografía del autor
John Maynard Keynes, (1883-1946) was a British economist whose ideas have profoundly affected modern macroeconomics and social liberalism, both in theory and practice. He advocated interventionist economic policy, by which governments would use fiscal and monetary measures to mitigate the adverse effects of business cycles, economic recessions, and depressions. His ideas are the basis for the school of thought known as Keynesian economics, and its various offshoots. In the 1930s, Keynes spearheaded a revolution in economic thinking, overturning the older ideas of neoclassical economics that held that free markets would automatically provide full employment as long as workers were flexible in their wage demands. Following the outbreak of World War II, Keynes's ideas concerning economic policy were adopted by leading Western economies. During the 1950s and 1960s, the success of Keynesian economics was so resounding that almost all capitalist governments adopted its policy recommendations. In 1999, Time magazine included Keynes in their list of the 100 most important and influential people of the 20th century, commenting that; "His radical idea that governments should spend money they don't have may have saved capitalism". Keynes is widely considered the father of modern macroeconomics, and by various commentators such as economist John Sloman, the most influential economist of the 20th century. In addition to being an economist, Keynes was also a civil servant, a patron of the arts, a director of the Bank of England, an advisor to several charitable trusts, a writer, a private investor, an art collector, and a farmer.
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Keynes' Dickensian sketches of the key Allied players, the UK's Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, France's Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau and the U.S. President, Woodrow Wilson are vivid and devastating. Keynes' "Economic Consequences" is worth reading for these alone. How different a picture of President Wilson we get from Keynes versus what we read in middle school history. To the Cambridge-educated Keynes, Wilson is "slow and unadaptable", elsewhere "ill-informed", "incompetent", a naïve idealist ill-equipped to negotiate a just and lasting peace with more skilled counterparts.
How could the economic engine of Europe of 1914 possibly pay reparations that were far more punitive than realistic, and, in his view, would never be repaid when her ships were sunk or given away to th the allies, their railway capacity was going to be so degraded that it was not much better than nothing?
But let me conclude with some words from his very first paragraph:"Very few of us realise with conviction the intensely unusual, unstable, complicated, unreliable, temporary nature of the economic organization by which Western Europe has lived for the last century. We assume some of the most peculiar and temporary of our late advantages as natural, permanent, and to be depended on, and we lay our plans accordingly.On this sandy and false foundation we scheme for social improvement and dress our political platforms, pursue our animosities and particular ambitions, and feel ourselves with enough margin... to foster, not assuage, civil conflict in the European family. Moved by insane delusions and reckless self regard the German people overturned (these) foundations........... But the spokesman for the French and British peoples have run the risk of completing the ruin which Germany began...."
He concludes his fairly short 116 page book with this dedication: we have been moved already beyond endurance, and need rest. Never in the lifetime of men now living has the universal element in the soul of man burnt so dimly... To the formation of the general opinion of the future I dedicate this book."